The development of the individual attributes of ethics of responsibility in conjunction with the principles of civic liberalism in Slovak political thought is associated with the thinking of Ján Palárik. His political ideas published in the second half of the 19th century come out of an effort to characterize and achieve reform of the Habsburg monarchy on the basis of constitutionalism and federalism. These attributes, in Palárik’s opinion, were to bring more effective solutions to the issue of educating people in (...) their mother tongue and the creation of civic culture. A part of Palárik’s approach to the formation of civic skills is also the advocating of free expression, the idea of pluralism and gradualism within the idea of the unity of the different. His realistic approach to politics was framed by knowing and respecting the objective limits when implementing the aims of national civic freedom. Palárik linked the development of the state and the process of acculturation of the people with application of the principles of practical reasonableness and ethics of responsibility. He found its essence in understanding the interconnectedness of political goals and ideals, which were to be reflected in close association with the real limitations of the capabilities of individuals and social circumstances. (shrink)

After the revolutionary year 1848 both Slovak and Czech political representations faced the same challenge in their searching for a new constitutional order, although their respective state-forming activity differed. In this context the overlapping conceptions of Ján Palárik and Karel Havlí?ek Borovský are worthy consideration. They both underline the strategy of gradualism in the nation-forming process as well as cultural distinctiveness combined with civic ethos. Further, they both combined the romanticism grounded in national feeling with the Enlightenment ideas and the (...) importance of practical reason. Their liberalism underlining the national and civic equality and the bottom up political activity thus can be seen as a new incentive in creating the constitutional grounds of both Slovak and Czech nations. (shrink)

In the middle of the 19th century the nation building elites using Slovak language have undergone an important political differentiation. One part of previously united emancipatory movment, which has arisen mainly under the influence of Hegel’s philosophy of history and its Štúrian interpretation, formed into a new political-philosophical alternative. Its program was based on the ideas of political philosophy of Ch. Montesquieu, J. S. Mill, J. G. Herders and others. This initiative, called New School, has introduced into the Hungarian political (...) thought a new conception of national equality, which, together with the transformation of political starting points brought about also a transformation of political strategy in attaining the ends of the nation-building. (shrink)

The aim of the paper is to reconsider the traditional evaluation of S. H. Vajanský, which underlines mainly the anti-progressive, conservative and anti-realistic features of his later writings. The examination of his earlier articles in Narodné noviny up to 1883 shows, however, his critical openness to the contributions of constitutionalism. His primordialistic standpoint is enriched by the ideas emphasizing the importance of the education of wider public as well as the necessity of polemics in creating Slovak national awareness. Young Vajanský (...) did not dismiss the incentives of liberalism or constitutionalism. He rather criticized their formalism. He acknowledged their key contribution in expanding the ideas of the freedom of press and speech, which should have served the political elites in their creating the national identity. (shrink)

The idea of Slavic solidarity served in the 19th century often as a means for rea-ching the cultural equality of particular Slavic nations. However, the representatives of the "New School" expanded its primarily cultural legacy also on the political collaboration of the Slavs. Their objective was a gradual national and civic emancipation within the given frontiers of Austria-Hungary. Its new meaning was the Hungarian patriotism as a uniting civic basis for national and cultural diversity. By including the anew articulated idea (...) of Slavic solidarity into their liberal political program they created favourable conditions for the collaboration of Slavic nations on a civic basis. This program was in clear opposition to the idea of the political panslavism proclaimed by Russia. (shrink)

The study explains the perception of the nation in the political thinking of Svetozár Hurban Vajanský, which is founded on primordialist starting points and has a holistic character. In this context, the relationship between the nationally conscious elite and the people is analysed in more detail. The ambivalence of Vajanský’s political thinking is evident in the fact that, in many ways, he formally promotes Ľudovít Štúr’s original idea of unity, but, within Slovak political discourse, he promotes the idea of programme (...) uniformity. Subsequently, this becomes a source of cultural and political isolationism. This fact is complemented in parallel by reflecting the primary acculturation importance of the national elite in developing the national consciousness of the population. Vajanský also incorporated the idea of Slavic mutuality into the national emancipation concept of developing Slovak national identity. Its content is in line with Štúr’s ethnic romanticism. The historicist concept of the development of Slavs under Russian protection also appears in his thinking. Vajanský’s Russophilism was, thus, loosely tied to the ideas of Russian Slavophiles and the idealising perspective of the Slavs’ civilisational mission, who were to form a new, more spiritual and culturally advanced, civilisation circle compared with the morally declining nations of the West. (shrink)