Xunzi is a Confucian scholar well known for his theory that no human nature is innately good. However, because it is in human nature to be greedy, it is possible to train the people through promise of reward and punishment. Xunzi has long been considered to have taught Han Feizi who has a similar notion of human nature and uses it as basis for his Legalist theories. In this paper, I compare the two philosophers based on their system of reward (...) and punishment in order to analyze the difference and the similarities between the two. Although the two philosophers share an understanding of human nature, and a system of reward and punishment based on such theories, whereas Xunzi has a belief in the possibility of edification through good influence, Han Feizi does not. Xunzi asserts that mercy is more efficient than punishment in case of petty thefts among the poor, and also that even the severest punishment cannot push a soldier to risk one’s life in battle. This goes directly against Han Feizi’s strong belief in the absoluteness of the rule of law, where no mercy is possible even for the poor, and a rigid system of punishment and reward is seen as sufficient to push the people toward risking their lives for their king. On the other hand, although Han Feizi is often criticized for his lack of regard for the people’s lives in pursuit of power for the absolute monarch, it may be seen that such unforgiving application of the law results in an orderly society which benefits the people in the long run. Therefore, it may be argued that both Xunzi and Han Feizi’s long term goal for the legal system is to bring order to society. A comparison between the two scholars proves that no one-dimensional analysis is valid, and renders it possible to understand their philosophies in a much more colorful light. (shrink)

What does it mean to read Ham Seok-heon in the 21st century? Furthermore, what does it mean to read the ‘East-Asian Classics’ through him? In this article, I would like to raise a few issues that existing discussions on the relationship between Ham Seok-heon and the East-Asian Classics have not paid attention to, in order to point out the points that we should give more weight to in the hermeneutics of Ham Seok-heon’s ‘Chewing on Old Classics’. First, Ham’s should be (...) read as an independent text in its own right, not as a commentary on the ‘Oriental Classics’. Second, his SSi-al’ Readings of Old Classics should be read in the context of life and place in contemporary Korea, rather than the Laozi and the Zhuangzi relationships it addresses. Third, the meanings and values in SSi-al’ Readings of Old Classics do not lie in its original interpretation of traditional commentaries, but rather in the “common sense” that guided the perceptions and practices of Ssi-al in the democratization process of twentieth-century Korea. To emphasize this aspect, I contrast it with the interpretation of the Zhuangzi in China during the same period. I want to argue that if Chinese intellectuals in the twentieth century anticipated their own destiny through the interpretation and discussion of the Zhuangzi, Ham Seok-heon’s reading of the Zhuangzi was expressed as the voice of Ssi-al, which changed the subject of interpretation and at the same time called for the values of modern freedom and equality and preached the ideology of democracy and self-government to realize them. In reading Ham Seok-heon in this way, I believe that we can properly evaluate the historical and philosophical meaning and value of SSi-al’ Readings of Old Classics. (shrink)

This paper analyzes the ‘Theory of Inverse Numbers’ that appears in Chapter 3 of the “Shuogua zhuan” 說卦傳 in the I Ching and seeks to apply the findings to the Yi studies of Cheng Yi. The Yi studies of Shao Yong, Zhu Xi, and Cheng Yi are generally explained in the categories of Xiangshu(Image-Number) Yi studies and Yili(Meaning-Principle) Yi studies. However, upon analyzing the ‘Theory of Inverse Numbers’ as a theory representing numbers of principles, it is evident that the framework (...) of this theory is also reflected in Cheng Yi’s Yi studies. The analysis of the ‘Theory of Inverse Numbers’ was conducted through the interpretations of Shao Yong and Zhu Xi, proposing the concept of the ‘Theory of Inverse Numbers’ as a Yi interpretation framework that accounts for what has already occurred [yisheng 已生] and what has not yet occurred [weisheng 未生]. By applying the Yi interpretation framework of what has arisen and what has not, which was developed through the explanations of Shao Yong and Zhu Xi, to Cheng Yi’s Yi studies, it is revealed that even though Cheng Yi does not directly mention Chapter 3 of the “Shuogua zhuan,” the narrative framework of Yichuan Yizhuan 伊川易傳 can be well elucidated by the ‘Theory of Inverse Numbers.’ Accordingly, it suggests that viewing Cheng Yi’s Yi studies merely as a dichotomy of meaning-principle and image-number is limited, and that the concept of Xiangshu Yi is inherent in Cheng Yi’s Yi studies. In other words, the ‘Theory of Inverse Numbers’ as a theory of principle-representing numbers originating from Shao Yong is inherent throughout Cheng Yi’s interpretation of the I Ching as a framework of Yi interpretation for what has arisen and what has not, and this was systematized as the ‘Theory of Inverse Numbers’ by Zhu Xi. (shrink)

Ki Jeong-jin proposed a distinctive perspective in which the unified li 理 transforms into individual li by itself, and these individual li subsequently become the natures of distinct species. This viewpoint starkly contrasts with the Yulgok school’s theory, which posits that the unified principle differentiates through qi 氣. In response, Jeon Woo critiqued Ki Jeong-jin by adhering to the doctrines of the Yulgok school. According to him, a species’ nature is wholly attributed to the influence of qi. Ki Jeong-jin’s disciple, (...) Jeong Eui-rim, defended his teacher’s doctrine by embracing the organic model. He likened the relationship between Heaven and all things to that of the body and its limbs, contending that it embodies a ‘whole-part’ connection. Just as the parts coalesce to constitute the whole, the whole is omnipresent within the parts; similarly all things come together to form Heaven, and Heaven is omnipresent within all things. Based on this, Jeong Eui-rim concluded that all things ‘originally existed’ alongside Heaven, and further postulated that the li of all things originated from this ‘original existence.’ Consequently, his contention is not that the unified li differentiates into the li of all things through qi but that the li of all things inherently existed and evolved into the natures of various species. (shrink)

In the history of the world and the history of East Asia, there is a big difference in categorizing people. In the history of the world, for example, people are classified into ‘king-priest-commoner-slave’ or ‘king-commoner-labor’. In the history of East Asia, on the contrary, people are divided into four categories: scholar, farmer, artisan and merchant. This kind of classification started a very long time ago, and it is even stated in Shujing (Classic of Documents) and Guanzi (Book of Master Guan). (...) In other words, such categorization at least existed even before the Zhou Dynasty. It lasted until the Qing Dynasty in China and until the Joseon Dynasty in Korea. In terms of Mencius’ view of these four occupations, they were explained with tonggongyishi (exchange of efforts and goods (fruit of efforts)). According to his analysis, all occupations have surplus and deficiency, and people have very diverse needs and desires. Therefore, it is needed to make up for such deficiencies by exchanging surpluses. In other words, division of labor and trade were understood as a basic principle of human life. There also was a policy to support those who may not be able to generate a surplus. Considering the above results, it is understandable to have Mencius’ yixing 易姓 Revolution and easy to understand the basic framework of the policy designed to enrich people. Mencius believed that such policy was critical in building a good [shan 善] society. (shrink)

The purpose of this study is to explore alternatives to disgust, which is a social problem today, based on Lao-tzu’s thought. Various discussions on how to approach the problem of hate have recently focused on legal aspects. However, in order to get to the root of the problem, we need a philosophical approach that can provide wisdom along with an understanding of the science of disgust. Among the various causes of hate, the process of generating and categorizing prejudice and discriminating (...) against people based on certain criteria is one of the core elements of hate. Lao-tzu’s thought may offer a new way forward in this regard. Lao-tzu did not see the world’s constitution as a simple division of things into this and that, separated from their relationship to each other by a set of criteria. He also warned against trapping objects within specific concepts by talking about the limits of conceptualization. In this article, I will interpret Lao-tzu’s thought from a correlative standpoint and use it to derive an alternative to aversion based on the dimensions of ‘correlation’and ‘conceptualization’. (shrink)

The purpose of this study is to demonstrate that Yulgok's sincere intention〔誠意〕 implies the characteristics of virtue ethics. This paper aims to establish the meaningful discussion that Yulgok's sincere intention goes beyond the limits of normative ethics, duty ethics, or the constraints of knowledge, and is significant in pursuing the goal of individual's daily moral practice and well-being. Virtue ethics place emphasis on the will for the prosperity of the community, well-being, the virtues, character, and the cultivation of the agent. (...) The moral agent can intentionally and repeatedly engage in virtuous actions through habituation thereby transforming their character. Yulgok's sincere intention aims to derive natural moral conduct through everyday will for practice, with the goal of cultivating virtuous dispositions. In other words, humans possess intellectual abilities and the virtues of renyilizhi〔仁義禮智〕. By cultivating these virtues, they attain an ideal state of character where virtuous actions can naturally manifest regardless of time and place. When aspiring to virtuous actions, the moral agent must be capable of comparing and analyzing various cases to derive rational judgments and conducts. This can be confirmed through Yulgok's interpretation of yi〔意〕 separated by nianlusi〔念慮思〕. Furthermore, Yulgok emphasized the importance of sincere mind〔實心〕. This is a driving force for appropriate judgment and moral choices making the virtue of renyilizhi〔仁義禮智〕 and impartiality. Therefore Yulgok's sincere intention provides a meaningful discussion explaining the interdependence between intellectual virtues and moral virtues required in the process of habituation. (shrink)

In the latter part of Mencius 7B24, Mencius makes the distinction between ‘xing (性)’ and ‘ming (命)’. Zhao Qi interprets this ‘ming’ as ‘minglu (命祿)’, which means luck, accidental encounters, or times that one faces. On the other hand, Zhu Xi refers it to as the quality that one is endowed with. He then provides a new interpretation of ‘ming’ in the latter section. Zhu Xi’s understanding appears to be similar to Wang Chong’s theory of endowment of qi, and therefore (...) has been criticized for not corresponding with the original text of Mencius. However, Zhu’s interpretation actually shares some important characteristics with the existing interpretation. As Zhao Qi does, Zhu also accepts accidental elements possible in life without getting into fatalism, and hence admits the existence of moral responsibility. Eventually, Zhu Xi takes a step forward to deal with the scope of luck and misfortune in life in a more comprehensive way, and at the same time discusses the problem of moral responsibility. In this way, Zhu Xi’s interpretation should be seen as a further development of Mencius’s philosophy. (shrink)

This article aims to review the concept of ‘Sokhyung(贖刑)’ as an example of a pluralistic interpretation of ‘Heumhul(欽恤)’ in The Book of Documents in the 18th and 19th centuries, and compared and reviewed the interpretation of The Book of Documents by Jeong Yak-yong(丁若鏞) and Shim Dae-yoon(沈大允). Sokhyung is to replace the original sentence by paying property after the sentence is confirmed. It is a specific application example of Heumhul, which means careful and lenient application of punishment. In The Book of (...) Documents, the discussion related to Sokhyung is presented in Chapter 11 of Soonjeon(舜典) and Yeohyung(呂刑). Seojipjeon(書集傳) written by Chae Chim(蔡沈) became the standard for interpreting Sokhyung, and he opposed Sokhyung because it was not fair. At this time, Sokhyung has the meaning of ‘commutation’, and in this respect, Sokhyung takes on the character of Heumhul in that it is a lenient application of the law. Scholars of the Joseon Dynasty generally tended to follow the views of Chae Chim, but a new interpretation trend emerged in the 18th and 19th centuries. Jeong Yak-yong was in favor of the system of Sokhyung on the grounds that the body was preserved by carrying out Sokhyung. At this time, Sokhyung has a meaning of Heumhul in that it is a method of carefully applying punishment and plays a role in realizing the Virtue that likes to save lives(好生之德). Shim Dae-yoon opposed the system of Sokhyung, but did not fully agree with Chae Chim's view. He argued that Sokhyung has the character of applying the law leniently and plays a role of promising that the punishment will disappear(刑期無刑), but criticized the system of Sokhyung in that it interferes with the discretionary application of the law(權衡). (shrink)

This paper investigates the philosophical characteristics of Songdang Park Yeong, who was an early Dohak scholar in the Joseon Dynasty and played a huge role in making the school of Neo-Confucianism in the regions along the Nakdong River. Park Yeong and his Neo-Confucianism has not been paid much attention to until recently. Significant studies on the school in Neo-Confucianism in the regions along the Nakdong River have been published lately, but research on Park Yeong remains as rare as before. He (...) has not been well known to the philosophical public, though he had made a considerable contribution to the development of Neo-Confucianism in Joseon Dynasty in the early-to-mid 16th century. To find out the reasons for this low recognition of his contributions, we tried to show his integrated studies which were conducted in his lifetime with talents for both pen and sword and the ability to solve real-life problems. By investigating Baekrokdonggyuhae and Daehakdo among his present writings, we found that Park Yeong's Neo-Confucianism had the characteristics of being practice-orientated as well as having a special emphasis on self-acceptance and mind. Though Park Yeong's Neo-Confucianism was stigmatized as unorthodox by Yi Hwang and Yi Yi, two influential junior scholars, their criticism seemed to be unfair and improper, for it was derived from a prejudice against their military backgrounds and not with each other. Due to their stigmatic criticism, Park Yeong's well-informed Confucian-oriented learning and practice has been underestimate Songdang Park Yeong had become a Dohak scholar with a military background. He, who was free from social identity restrictions, had learned medicine and six arts and had taken care of people at risk in advance. He carried out his function faithfully to pass the teachings of the sages on to the next generation in the period of the extinction of Sahrim. Park Yeong's learning and practice had included Munmugyeomjeon, Silhak activity, excellent educational performance, achieving his purpose at the risk of his life, which is worth investigating considering the aspects of the various developments of Neo-Confucianism in Joseon Dynasty in a permissive way. (shrink)

Jeong Jae-gyu (鄭載圭, 1843-1911) was a scholar in the late Joseon Dynasty who contributed to the solidification and formation of the Nosa school (蘆沙學派) through the publication of Nosajib (蘆沙集) and active lecture activities based on the independent acceptance of his teacher, Ki Jeong-jin (奇正鎭). He explained the concept of intelligence based on the definitions of Shen Gui-bao (沈貴珤), an early scholar of the Yuan Dynasty, and even though the volume was not large, he presented a deep analysis and a (...) unique interpretation. Few Joseon Neo-Confucian scholars had explained the concept of intelligence based on Shen Gui-bao, so his attempts are unique. Shen Gui-bao explained, “the Intelligence includes the axis of change in the real world where the heavenly principles are inherent and has a mirror to judge the conflicts of human affairs”. Hu Bing-wen (胡炳文) used the explanation to justify his concept of intelligence. However, since intelligence is a principle, and the “axis of change in the real world” is also a principle, an unreasonable proposition of ‘principle includes principle’ can be established according to Shen Gui-bao’s definitions. Therefore, Kim Chang-hyeop (金昌協) and others criticized Shen Gui-bao, saying that such a proposition cannot be accepted. However, in the 19th century, Lee Hang-ro (李恒老) and Lee Jin-sang (李震相) showed a positive attitude toward Shen Gui-bao’s definitions. Jeong Jae-gyu, who partially accepted the influence of Lee Jin-sang, reaffirmed the fundamental position of intelligence through the phrase “Intelligence includes the axis of change in the real world”, and emphasized that intelligence is the basis for both moral judgment and the principle of perception. Furthermore, in the Neo-Confucian system, intelligence corresponds to a quiet virtue, so Jung Jae-gyu’s emphasis on it might lead to a theory of cultivation centered on solitude (靜), which can be confirmed in questions and answers shared with Ki Jung-jin, his writings, and poems. (shrink)

Hangang Jeong Gu can be considered a representative Yeongnam regions’s scholar of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. He was a scholar who followed in the footsteps of both Emperor Lee Hwang and Jo Sik, and developed his studies especially in the fields of psychology and art. He was a scholar who inherited from the scholastic mantle of Lee Hwang and Jo Sik, and developed his own scholarship, especially focusing on study of mind and study of ritual. He was (...) active mainly in the Yeongnam region centered on Seongju and Daegu. The Yeongnam region was located on the road to the Japanese invasion during the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592 and directly suffered the damage. For this reason, after the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592, those who led the righteous army activities in the Yeongnam region led the academic world, and among them, there were many figures of the Hangang School, including Jeong Gu. Studies on Jeong Gu have been accumulated for about 40 years, starting in 1985, and are being studied in various fields such as literature, history, and philosophy. And as the research on Jeong Gu progressed, the Hangang School, which inherited the academic flow of Jeong Gu, was gradually studied. In this paper, research on the Hangang School is largely divided into four categories: the external appearance and status of the Hangang School, the aspect of academic transmission of Jeong Gu, the growth and expansion of the Hangang School, and the social practice of the Hangang School. First of all, the denotation and status of the Hangang School were examined through Hoiyeongeupmunjehyeonrok and Bongsanyokhangrok. Hoiyeongeupmunjehyeonrok is Jeong Gu’s literary record, which examines the overall scale and extension of the Hangang School, and through Bongsanyokhangrok, Jeong Gu’s academic influence at the time, as well as the bonds and solidarity within the school can be confirmed. And the aspect of Jeong Gu’s academic transmission was examined through Hangangeonhaeongrok, a collection of Jeong Gu’s words and actions. Through this, it is possible to confirm Jeong Gu’s academic thoughts passed down to the Hangang School. In addition, the growth and expansion of the Hangang School can be confirmed through the process in which a large number of second-generation and third-generation Confucian scholars in the Daegu region who were active at the time were absorbed into the Hangang School as Jeong Gu moved his lecture center from Seongju to Daegu and Chilgok. In addition, as one of the aspects of social practice of the Hangang School, it can be confirmed through the development of righteous armies activities during the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. Lastly, it contains contents about some tasks in the study of the Hangang School in the future. (shrink)

This article reexamines Jeong In-bo’s lifelong studies and achievements from the perspective of understanding him as a statesman. Keenly empathizing the pain of the people who lost their nation, he recognizes that it was the task of the times to reclaim national sovereignty and relieve the people from suffering. He finds the cause of the collapse of Joseon inside Joseon, and diagnoses that all problems originated from ‘thinking of promoting one’s own interests (自私念)’. What he suggested to resolve these problems (...) is ‘to awaken the sincere mind’. He believes that separation can be turned into oneness, conflict into love, and slaughter into revitalization only when ‘thinking of promotion of one’s own interest’ is overcome by awakening the sincere mind of all Joseon people. While studying Yangming studies, Jeong In-bo realized that the sincere mind has the ability to empathize, and verified this realization by his own experience. Through this experience, he submitted ‘empathy of the sincere mind’ as a statecraft principle that can save the world. All of his activities including educational, academic, media and political activities, aim at ‘governing a nation and saving the people’ according to the statecraft principle of ‘empathy of the sincere mind’. Jeong In-bo paved the way for advancing Korean Studies by awakening the importance of Korean Studies to his colleagues and students who worked at Yonhee College. Furthermore, with a deep understanding of Joseon’s reality after liberation, he adopted ‘strengthening and raising the national spirit’, which was the spirit of the times, as his educational ideology, and suggested a way for the nation to move forward by seeking detailed practical plans. He also brought the thoughts and works of Silhak scholars in the late Joseon dynasty into light; from his view, these scholars related to the nation and its people through the sincere mind and academically explored the way to save the nation and its people. He inspired the sense of subjectivity of the people by exploring Joseon’s spirit of 5,000 years in his research on Joseon history, enhancing the sense of identity of our nation. He struggled to solve the problems of the times by spreading his academic achievements through the media and carrying out an enlightenment movement to awaken the sincere mind of the people. Even in his short political term in Syngman Rhee’s government, he tried to correct the bureaucracy. All these academic works and activities of Jeong In-bo were motivated by the determination to save the world. (shrink)