Conditional assertions and "biscuit" conditionals

Noûs 33 (3):405-420 (1999)
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Abstract

kind of joke to ask what is the case if the antecedent is false—“And where are the biscuits if I don’t want any?”, “And what’s on PBS if I’m not interested?”, “And who shot Kennedy if that’s not what I’m asking?”. With normal indicative conditionals like.

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Keith DeRose
Yale University
Richard Grandy
Rice University

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