When should we expect compliance with international human rights norms? Previous literature on the causal mechanisms underlying compliance have focused independently on the roles of state willingness, thought of as the preferences of the regime leadership, and on state capacity, in improving human rights practices within a state. We build an argument that neither of these factors are sufficient on their own to improve compliance with human rights norms. Instead, improved human rights practices require both “the will and the way.” (...) Our central hypothesis is that capacities and willingness, acting jointly, are key determinants of improvements in compliance with international human rights norms. The paper confirms this proposition using two-staged and single-stage regression models and a time-series cross-sectional approach at the country-year level. A highly capable bureaucracy and a state that has signaled its willingness through the acceptance of individual complaint and inquiry procedures in the UN treaty regime are jointly necessary for improved human rights practices. (shrink)

The way many human rights advocates frame the international norm against child, early, and forced marriage (CEFM) has shifted in the past decade. While CEFM has historically been framed as driven by poverty and underdevelopment, advocates have more recently discussed the problem with a feminist sexuality frame. What leads advocates to change their framing about an international norm? We build an argument that stresses how (a) the nature of the frame, (b) the characteristics of the advocates, and (c) the characteristics (...) of the discursive environment interact to determine whether and to what extent advocates will adopt an alternative frame. We use a multi-methods approach (machine-learning text analysis, process tracing, and interviews) to examine the process of frame adoption around an international norm. Our theoretical understanding of international norms requires a better grasp on the role of framing, especially framing among the very norm entrepreneurs that are critical to international norm diffusion. (shrink)

How does the presence of women’s INGOs relate to restrictions on women’s civil society? Although women’s INGOs may help protect against civil society restrictions in most situations, we contend that the presence of women’s INGOs within a country may lead to increased restrictions on women’s civil society when countries are extremely economically or politically vulnerable. At these times, women’s INGOs are more likely to be seen as an outside instigator, possibly leading to more political or economic change. In an effort (...) to retain power, leaders may use women’s INGOs as scapegoats; attention to them and restrictions on women’s civil society more generally may be a tactic taken by a leader that is politically or economically vulnerable. We test our hypotheses in a cross-national sample of non-OECD countries from 1975 to 2013, using new data on civil society restrictions and the involvement of women’s INGOs. We find evidence in support of our central argument: economic and political vulnerability may condition the relationship between women’s INGOs and future restrictions on women’s civil society. (shrink)