Starting from the nature of the concept of niceness, nice voice, smartness, together with the clues, is a skill that generally meets the common denominator. This ability is present in every human being, but with different levels. Just as every talent needs training and development, a nice voice needs to be distinguished, trained, developed and rewarded. In this way, a person who is created with a nice voice should be able to reach high level in terms of sound. This emerging (...) niceness also has an effect on strengthening religious feelings on people. For this reason, the prophets sent as guides to people also benefited from this effect of music in their messages. Some prophets even came to the fore by using a nice voice as a method of communication. As the last prophet who has a nice voice as a part of the method of conveying with his strong oratory ability, Prophet Muhammad, as well as the importance he attached to a nice voice, had a lovely voice. The main issue here isalso noteworthy that Muhammad both had a nice voice himself and the importance he gave to a nice voice. In this study, some hadith narrations about how the voices of the prophets were and the narrations about the niceness of the voice of Hz. Muhammad and its effect on the listeners will be evaluated. In addition, the verses of the Qur'an and the narrations of the Hadith about Hz. Muhammad's attitude towards person with a nice voice and "Hz. Muhammad's voice" will be examined in terms of musical context in accordance with the conditions of the period. (shrink)

It is well-known that Ibn al-Salāh al-Shahrazūrī (d. 643/1245) has an important place in the field of hadith methodology. In this context, it is possible to see Ibn-al Salah’s influence in a large proportion of the hadith terminology. The fact that the term ḥasan was not substantially included in the hadith method studies before Ibn-al Salah and that this concept became widely known in the field after him led to study the contributions of al Salah on the subject of ḥasan (...) hadith and in this regard, his effect on the term ḥasan. As result it was found that authorities such as Shāfiʿī (d. 204/820), ʿAlī b. al-Madīnī (d. 234/848-49), Ahmad b. Hanbal (d. 241/855) used the concept of ḥasan in various meanings before al-Tirmidhī (d. 279/892) who, according to general acceptance, made the term ḥasan famous for its terminological use. However, it is possible to say that ʿAlī b. al-Madīnī was the first to use the terminological meaning of the concept ḥasan. Actually, the fact that Shafii’ used the term ḥasan isnād for an authentic hadith that al-Bukhārī (d. 256/870) and Muslim b. Ḥajjāj (d. 261/875) would later unanimously narrate, and Ahmad b. Hanbal used ḥasan as gharib, is evidence for the unsystematic use of the term in the early periods. Even though, thanks to al-Tirmidhī, an important place was opened for the concept in riwāya literature, there was no serious mention of the term in later hadith methodology. Therefore, it has been seen that hadith scholars considered the term ḥasan within the scope of ṣaḥīḥ or ḍaʻīf hadith, since they accepted the term as an intermediate concept, and for this reason they did not include the term ḥasan among the subjects of hadith methodology until Ibn al-Salāh. An examination of the argument, that one can act upon a ḍaʻīf hadith, would show that ḥasan hadith might have been interpreted within the scope of ḍaʻīf hadith. On the other hand, the fact that some scholars such as Mughulṭāy b. Qilīj (d. 762/1361) state that a hadith would be called ṣaḥīḥ if it is maqbūl with any presumption, and that there is no point in calling such a hadith ḥasan shows that the ḥasan hadith is considered within the scope of ṣaḥīḥ hadith. The fact that hadith methodology scholars did not mention ḥasan hadith before Ibn al-Salāh stems from the ambiguity of the subject. Contrary to his predecessors, Ibn al-Salāh tried to save the term ḥasan from its ambiguity by combining the different specifications put forward by al-Tirmidhī, al-Khaṭṭābī (d. 388/998), and Ibn al-Jawzī (d. 597/1201). The specifications and interpretations of the term presented by Ibn al-Salāh via his meticulous efforts, have also been adopted by his successors. The term ḥasan hadith has gained an important place in the literature of hadith methodology thanks to the views and definitions built on the descriptions and interpretations of Ibn al-Salāh. In this context, while there are those who agree with Ibn al-Salāh’s descriptions and evaluations of the term, there are also those who criticize his remarks on the subject. However, it has been seen that those who criticize Ibn al-Salāh, along with those who follow him, criticized him by following the path drawn by Ibn al-Salāh. Based on this and similar situations, it was concluded that not only the descriptions and comments that Ibn al-Salāh made, but also his style and methods of handling the subject gave direction to the studies on hadith methodology. In addition, it has been observed that the most compact description of the term ḥasan is put forward by Ibn Hajar and today’s studies are predicated on his description. Within this framework, after emphasizing that there are four degrees of maqbūl hadiths, Ibn Hajar defined the two fields, which were covered by two different descriptions of Ibn al-Salāh, as ḥasan li-zatih and lighairih by Ibn al-Ḥajar. (d. 852/1449) By doing so Ibn al-Ḥajar gave the final shape to the ḥasan hadith terms. He also captured the fundamental point where ḥasan hadith differs from the ṣaḥīḥ hadith because the basic point in question, which was not directly stated before, is a slight flaw in the narrator’s grip. At the end of the study, it was concluded that -as al-Dhahabi (d. 748/1348) also stated- it does not seem possible to determine a comprehensive rule that gathers ḥasan hadiths under a single description. Considering the historical context of the term ḥasan, it has been observed that the most effective description of the ḥasan hadith are the terms ḥasan li-zatih and ḥasan lighairih, which were put forward by Ibn Hajar by transforming the dual division mentioned by Ibn al-Salāh into a more understandable form. (shrink)

Bu çalışmada din görevlilerinin mesleki doyumu ile örgütsel adalet algısı arasındaki ilişki incelenmiştir. Çeşitli kurum çalışanları örnekleminde, yapılan çalışmalar örgütsel adalet ile mesleki doyum arasında bir ilişkinin olduğunu göstermektedir. Fakat din görevlileri ile ilgili olarak örgütsel adalet ile mesleki doyum arasındaki bir ilişkiyi konu edinen bir çalışmaya rastlanmamıştır. Yapılan işten memnuniyet duymak anlamına gelen mesleki doyum çalışanın iş verimini artırmaktadır. Bununla ilişkili olarak da çalışanın, kurumu tarafından çalışanlara adil davranıldığına ilişkin algısı mesleki doyumunu etkilemektedir. Bu çalışmada din görevlilerinin örgütsel adalet (...) algısı ve mesleki doyumu arasındaki ilişkiyi belirlemek için, ilişkisel tarama modeli kullanılmıştır. Veriler ise örgütsel adalet ölçeği, mesleki doyum ölçeği ve demografik değişkenlerin de bulunduğu bir form ile Antalya’da görev yapan 380 din görevlisinden elde edilmiştir. Söz konusu iki değişken arasındaki ilişkinin analizinde korelasyon ve yapısal eşitlik modeli kullanılmıştır. Çalışma sonucunda din görevlilerinin örgütsel adalet algısının, mesleki doyum ile orta düzeyde, pozitif yönde ve anlamlı ilişkisinin olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Açıklanan varyans açısından ise örgütsel adalet algısının, mesleki doyuma ilişkin toplam varyansın %17’sini açıkladığı belirlenmiştir. (shrink)

The history of the mushaf, which began with the collection of the verses of the Qur'an in the era of Hazrat Abu Bakr, holds a significant place in terms of the science of qiraat and the methodology of tafsir. It is not possible to say that the subject, which is the focus of Western researchers especially to prove their thesis that the Qur’an is the human word, is popular in our country. At this point, in this study prepared with the (...) aim of contributing to the field, tafsir introductions and mushaf history issues were examined. Many of the tafsir works provide valuable information about the history of the mushaf. In this direction, one of the important works of tafsir, Garāib al-Qur'ān, Tafsīr al-Khāzin, Jawāhir al-ḥisān, Fath al-rahmān Rūh al-meānī, Tafsīr al-Marāgī and Tafsīr al-hadīs were analyzed. They constitute the basis of our research because they contain rich information about its history and have not yet been examined in this respect. In this regard, the introductions of the aforementioned commentary works are examined under headings created according to the subjects. First of all, the issue of turning the Qur’anic verses into mushafs during the period of Hazrat Abu Bakr is discussed, and then the principles observed in the mushaf copying activity in the Hazrat Osman period, how many companions were in the commission, the number of mushafs that were copied and sent to the leading towns of the period, and who made the surah arrangement in the mushafs are examined. In addition, information shared about the official mushaf rules and whether these rules must be taken as a basis in the writing of the mushafs is included. Finally, within the context of personal companions’ mushafs, the study delves into the claims, accusations, and debates surrounding the mushafs with Hazrat Osman. (shrink)

The branch of science that examines the spelling features of the words of the Qur'an is called resm-i mushaf/resm-i Osmânî. This science is the source of the mushaf copying activity, which was carried out according to the correct Arabic rules of the period during the caliphate of ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān (d. 35/656). It is accepted that the spelling used in this study, which was carried out by the Companions, was based on the mushafs written in later periods. Today, there is (...) no known mushaf that was spelled under the auspices of ʿUthmān. Therefore, we learn the details of the writing styles in the ʿUthmān mushafs only from the works that began to be copyrighted in the 3-4th (A.H.) centuries. However, it is known that there are some hesitations about the adequacy/soundness of the information given in the works written more than 3 centuries after the activity of copying the mushaf. In this article, in the context of the official writing rules in the main works of the field, Topkapı Palace Museum / Relics Treasure 2 nr. mushaf is examined. The Mushaf, of which there is no doubt that it belongs to the first centuries, is attributed to ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib. The aim of this research, which is carried out in a fairly new field in terms of the number of existing studies, is to compare the spelling of the Mushaf in the Topkapı Palace, which was written in the early periods with the rules that can be reached through the works copyrighted a few centuries after the Hijrah, and to see how the rules were applied at that time. In the first part of the article, which consists of two parts, introductory and technical information about the Mushaf is given and its relation to ʿAlī has been examined. It has been reached the conclusion that although the Mushaf was spelled in the early period, it was not possible for ʿAlī to write it. In the second part, the writng of the Mushaf with the spelling characteristics of a total of 1406 words included in the related Works under the headings of "omit, proof, replace, cut/attached spelling, hamza, spelling differences that differ according to the towns where the mushafs were sent" has been compared to TMSK E.H. 2 nr. Mushaf. As a result of the examination of this entire Mushaf, which is almost perfect in terms of the lack of page and verse, it has been determined that there are spellings against the rules in a total of 319 words. This spelling inconsistency, which is also seen in all the ancient Mushafs studied, strengthens the existing question marks about the soundness of the official mushaf rules. This should be accepted as an indication that the spelling of ancient mushafs should be taken into account in order to determine the limits of the science of official mushaf, and for this reason, it is necessary to conduct more research on the writing styles of the mushafs written in the early period. (shrink)

The common periodisation in Ash‘ari kalām is Ibn Khaldun's distinction between the early and late periods over al-Ghazālī. Although some consider this as an artificial and unrealistic periodisation, we do not think so. For, it is not possible to understand and make sense of the logic and necessity of periodisation without knowing what exactly distinguishes these periods from each other and what kind of great differences and changes occurred in the latter period. The most important factor that distinguishes the theological (...) activities of the two periods is undoubtedly the Peripatetic philosophy that left its mark on the second period. The direct relationship established by the Ash‘ari theologians of the late period with philosophy has been the source of many changes in theology. These changes have manifested themselves in many areas from the understanding of method in theology to the theory of definition, from the use of evidence to the theories of nature, intellect and soul, most importantly from the notion of the Omnipotent God (al-Fā‘il al-Mukhtār) to the metaphysics of possibility-necessity, and from the cosmology of substance-accident to al-umūr al-‘āmma as the main subject-matter of metaphysics. Finally, the changes in the process that started with al-Ghazālī and evolved with Fakhruddīn al-Rāzī brought theology to the brink of philosophization, and at the end of the process, theology turned into a universal (metaphysical) discipline. This situation naturally led to a convergence between the metaphysical thought and theological thought. It is one thing to say that theology is the most honourable and supreme science, and it is another to reveal that it is universal. In this context, al-Ghazālī declared and substituted the Islamic theology as a religious universal discipline for the first time. Actually, this substitution has a hidden philosophical/metaphysical meaning and message. Al-Ghazālī 's characterisation of theology as a universal science can also be interpreted as a challenge to both the sciences of the field it belongs to and the sciences outside itself, with its disciplinary encompassing and priority for theology. It should not be forgotten that theology, while confronting and coming to terms with philosophy and metaphysics, integrating with the subjects it has taken into the field of study, on the other hand, it has to maintain and protect the religious character it belongs to and represents. (shrink)

The Book and the Sunnah are the two main sources of Sharʿī science. These two sources are based on narration which requires an absolute certainty, and this makes the reports, especially the mutawātir reports, important for Sharʿī sciences. Many people were involved in the transmission process of the Sunnah and the Book; therefore, Islamic scholars remained loyal to the technical concept “mutawātir reports” which is used in logic and is not open to doubt in terms of credibility. This is particularly (...) important for the science of kalām, which deals with matters of faith. On the other hand, in the science of fiqh, which deals with the practices of the Muslim individuals such as worship and procedures rather than the matters of faith, only the reports that the believer will accept, rather than those that everyone will approve, are sufficient. In this context, as per the science of fiqh, it is sufficient to form a dominant opinion, rather than an absolute certainty as in the science of kalām, for acting upon reports. Some factors, such as the acceptance of conjecture sufficient in the matters associated with fiqh and the low number of mutawātir reports on fiqh matters, also affected the fuqahā’s understanding of certain knowledge. In the context of transmission of the Sunnah, fuqahā partially changed the nature of the concept “mutawātir reports” by going beyond the technical understanding of tawatur. The most important change made by the fuqahā in the nature of mutawātir reports was the inclusion of the phenomenon “sened (chain of transmission)”, which is used to ensure credibility to ḥadīt̲h̲s, in the understanding of tawatur. So much so that while the number rather than the qualifications of the people who convey the reports is important for the credibility of the mutawātir reports in the science of logic; in the determination of mutawātir sunnah, the number of the narration channels which consist of just and fair-minded narrators was taken as a basis in line with the hadith “Whoever ascribes to me what I have not said then let him occupy his seat in Hell-fire.” Even some methodologists valued the justness and fair-mindedness of the narrators so much that they included the famous reports in the scope of mutawātir reports, even though the first layer was ahad, due to their trust in the narrators in the later layers. However, in technical sense, for mutawātir reports, the qualifications of the narrators or who they are is not important at all. On the contrary, any person from a different religion, sect or disposition can take a role in the transmission of mutawātir reports. However, there is no place for fasiq narrators, let alone non-Muslims, in fuqahā’s concept of sened-centered mutawātir reports. Spiritual mutawātir is one of the subjects affected the most by this new understanding of tawatur based on isnād (reporting the chain of transmission). Normally, spiritual mutawātir is the agreement of the reports, conveyed in different texts by a large number of people who cannot agree on a lie, on a common meaning. However, fuqahā interpreted spiritual mutawātir as ahad ḥadīt̲h̲s with different chains of sened reaching a certain number and denoting the same meaning. What makes these two reports different is that the number of narrators assures the credibility of reports in the first one whereas the trust in the justness and fair-mindedness of the narrators does in the second. As a matter of fact, it is not possible to talk about such a spiritual mutawātir if the trust in the justness and fair-mindedness of the narrators who convey the ahad reports is damaged. This approach of spiritual mutawātir was used by the mutakallimūn as much as by the fuqahā. However, they used this approach of mutawātir mostly for matters that are evidenced by the Sunnah but not associated with the essentials of religion, such as Shafa'ah (intercession), Hawd al-Kawthar (Pond of Abundance), Ru’yat Allah (seeing Allah), and imams’ being from Quraysh. Thanks to this new concept of tawatur, Islamic scholars included many ḥadīt̲h̲s that are normally out of the scope of the technical definition of mutawātir reports, in the scope of spiritual mutawātir, and thus provided a credibility to more ḥadīt̲h̲s. (shrink)

Descartes, one of the 17th century philosophers, likens philosophy to a tree in the context of the classification of sciences. According to him, philosophy is a tree: roots are metaphysics, body is physics and branches are medicine, mechanics and ethics. This classification is also called as the tree of philosophy and it symbolizes the scientific paradigm of the Cartesian tradition and therefore the modern philosophy in general. Descartes' famous tree was shaken with a heavy question asked three centuries later by (...) the German philosopher Heidegger. Heidegger asks the French philosopher: “What is the soil of the Philosophy tree?”. We want to go back in time before Descartes, keeping this challenging question of Heidegger and aiming to find the answer given by the famous Ottoman scholar Tashkubrizadah. In his three-volume work called as Miftâh al-Sa‘âdah, Tashkubrizadah sets out a very distinctive classification of ‘ulûm that have not seen before. What also attracts our attention here is that Tashkubrizadah also draws a tree symbol just like Descartes in his classification. We see this foundation in the section headings of his work. These headings also have a special importance in terms of showing the boundaries and depth of Ottoman ‘ilm tradition. (shrink)

Şiir kadim dönemlerden bu yana Arap kültüründe en önemli sanat dallarından biri belki de birincisi olagelmiştir. Şiirin ve dolayısıyla şairlerin büyük bir itibar gördüğü Arap toplumlarında şaire kıymet kazandıran ölçütlerden biri de irticalen şiir söyleyebilmesi, muhatabına cevap verebilme yetisi ve hazırcevaplığıdır. Bir şairin başka bir şairin şiirini aynı muhteva, vezin ve kafiyede irticalen devam ettirmesi anlamına gelen icâze de kökleri Câhiliye Dönemi’ne kadar uzanan bir şairlik hüneridir. Çalışma bu nedenle şairlerde kadim dönemlerden bu yana aranan bu hünerin hususiyetlerini konu edinmekte, (...) bir meziyet olarak icâzenin şairlerde niçin bulunmasına önem verildiğini ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Makalede nitel araştırma yöntemlerinden belge analizi yöntemi kullanılarak icâzenin tanımı, türleri ve yöntemleri üzerinde durulmuş, verilen örneklerle bu türler arasındaki farklılıklar izah edilmiştir. Ayrıca icâzenin yine bedîhî olarak söylenen bir şiir türü olan nakîzadan, irticalen söylenmese de öncesinde söylenmiş bir şiirden daha güzelini orta koyma saikiyle yazılan muʿâraza türü şiirlerden ayrıştığı yönlerine temas edilmiştir. Şairleri icâze istemeye sevk eden sebepler örnekler üzerinden incelemeye tabi tutularak icâze türü şiirlerin bir şairin başka bir şaire meydan okuması, meydan okuma olmaksızın şairliğini sınama isteği, şiirin devamı konusunda yardım talebi veya şairlerin aralarında şaka yollu atışması neticesinde ortaya çıktığı tespit edilmiştir. Şiirinin devamını isteyen şairle (müstecîz) şiiri devam ettiren şair (mücîz) veya şairlerin söylediği beyitlerin muhteva analizi yapılarak aralarındaki farklara işaret edilmiştir. İcâze türü şiirlerde şiire ekleme yapılmasını isteyen şairle şiiri devam ettiren şairin söylediği kesitlerin aynı uzunlukta olmadığı görülmüş, bunun sonucunda muhteva, vezin ve kafiye birliğini gerektiren icâze türü şiirlerin tarafların söylediği kesitler itibariyle esnek bir yapısının olduğu sonucuna varılmıştır. Buna ilaveten bazı icâze örneklerinde vezin ve kafiyeye bağlı kalınmasına rağmen konu değişiminin meydana geldiği de tespit edilen hususlardan biri olmuştur. İki veya daha çok şairin birlikte şiir inşâd etmesi şeklinde temayüz eden icâzelerde genelde edebi bir gayenin ön planda olmadığı müşahede edilirken bazı şairler ise ekleme yaptığı beyitlerde üslup açısından son derece zengin bir anlatım örneği sergilemişlerdir. Araştırmanın vardığı sonuçlar itibariyle vurgulanması gereken bir başka husus öncesinde bir hazırlık yapmaya imkân vermemesi dolayısıyla icâze türü şiirlerin kısa şiirlerden meydana gelmesidir. Şairlerin farklı saiklerle söylemiş olduğu icâze örneklerinde vasıf, hiciv, gazel, şikâyet gibi farklı temaları işlemiş olmaları bu şiirlerle ilgili zikre değer bir başka özelliktir. Netice olarak icâze türü şiirler eskiden beri Arap toplumunda şairin gücünü ve maharetini gösteren, yaşanılan ortamın edebi zevkini yansıtan, toplumun sosyokültürel yapısına dair önemli veriler ihtiva eden bir şiir türü olarak tebarüz etmiştir. (shrink)

Mehmed Efendi, known as Mur Ali Baba, is one of the sheikhs of the Halisiyye branch of the Qadiriyya sect. Mehmed Efendi, who was buried in Sivas, is a sufi who was active in his time with his scientific and mystical efforts. Mehmed Efendi is a master of poetry as well as his command of Persian and his contribution to many people's learning of Persian. It is understood from Mehmet Efendi's only work called Tenbîhü's-sâlikîn that he was a personality largely (...) under the influence of Mawlânâ. In the article, a Persian poem of Mehmed Efendi, who was especially influential in Sivas and its environs in the 19th century, is discussed through the commentary made by him. This poem of seven couplets, in which Mehmed Efendi voiced his criticisms of the apparent ulemâ through the example of amber and straw, also shows his talent in poetry. In addition, in this poem, Mehmed Efendi expressed his views on education and the relationship between the perfect master and the devotee as the central subject, through the example of amber and straw, which are frequently used for reasons such as its color and physical characteristics in divan literature. The article focuses on the influence of Mevlânâ, whom Mehmed Efendi traced because of this example, and some of his thoughts expressed in the context of the amber-straw waste example. (shrink)

Ibn al-Qāṣṣ (d. 335/946), one of the representatives of the Shāfiʿī school of law in the 4th/10th century, compiled a short treatise of extraordinary nature: Fawāʾid Ḥadīth Abī ʿUmeyr. In this work, he deduces sixty different wajhs (verdicts, comments) from a ḥadīth reporting the Prophet’s interest and affection to a child known as Abū ʿUmayr and his family during a visit he paid after Abū ʿUmayr’s birdie died by jokingly telling him in rhyme, “yā Abā ʿUmayr, mā faʿala al-nughayr” (O (...) Abū ʿUmayr, what happened to the nughayr?) This study deals with the primary goal of the composition of the Fawāʾid, its content, and structural qualities as well as the author’s approach in deducing verdicts. As one of the aṣḥāb al-wujūh, the author’s legal/madhhab notion and the literalist and external perspective he developed regarding the interpretation of texts, seems to have directly affected his deductive reasoning and determined his approach. This concise work not only sheds light over certain aspects of the relationship between ḥadīth and fiqh at the time of Ibn al-Qāṣṣ, but also exemplifies to what extent methodological tendencies and personal factors might affect the process of deriving verdicts from ḥadīth and could push the limits in that regard. Summary: Ibn al-Qāṣṣ (d. 335/946), one of the representatives of the Shāfiʿī school of law in the 4th/10th century, compiled a short treatise of extraordinary nature: Fawāʾid Ḥadīth Abī ʿUmeyr. In this work, he deduces sixty different wajhs (verdicts, comments) from a ḥadīth reporting the Prophet’s interest and affection to a child known as Abū ʿUmayr and his family during a visit he paid after Abū ʿUmayr’s birdie died by jokingly telling him in rhyme, “yā Abā ʿUmayr, mā faʿala al-nughayr” (O Abū ʿUmayr, what happened to the nughayr?) The report of Abū ʿUmayr, which is in the focus of the work, is, in essence, reflects a singular and special aspect of the close relationship between the Prophet and Anas b. Malik’s family. Nevertheless, it is surprising that many ḥadīth scholars from the early times, not only Ibn al-Qāṣṣ, have chosen this ḥadīth as an example in which they can demonstrate their skill in the field of fiqh al- ḥadīth. Fawāʾid seems to be a work in which the juridical point of view centered and resembles the classical fiqh commentaries in a sense. In the work, different variants of the Abū ʿUmayr report were brought together and evaluated within the framework of the text and textual possibilities as possible. The author also analyzed some words in the narrative text for being a base for a verdict, referred to Qurʾānic verses, prophetic ḥadīths, reports, and legal opinions, tried to solve the disputes and the conflicts among legal evidences in various ways, and stated occasionally his personal opinions. Fawāʾid reflects the author’s rich accumulation of legal knowledge, while at the same time gives an idea about his knowledge of ḥadīth and his approach to the ḥadīth. Considering what the author did and wanted to do, it is understood that he deals with ḥadīth as well as fiqh, and he has a certain level of relationship not only with fuqahāʾ (muslim jurisprudents), but also with ḥadīth scholars. Ibn al-Qāṣṣ’s interest in fiqh and ḥadīth must have lead him to take initiative to eliminate the tension between the ahl al-ḥadīth of Shāfiʿī school of law who focused on transmitting ḥadīths and the fuqahāʾ of Shāfiʿī school of law who care about the fiqh perspective, in that period of time. It can also be said that he tried to establish a reconciliation between the ahl al-ḥadīth (the traditionists) and the ahl al-raʾy (the rationalists) and bring the parties together in the middle way. The work seems to have been written as a result of such considerations. As Ibn al-Qāṣṣ was considered as one of the aṣḥāb al-wujūh, that is, as a jurist who was bound of a madhhab Imām for legal reasoning, he seems to have followed the methodology of Shāfiʿī school of law for deriving legal solutions from the sources. Legal notion of the author and his literalist and textualist perspective with regards to the interpretation of texts, seems to have directly affected his way of reasoning from the ḥadīth and determined his approach. This approach, as mentioned in many contemporary studies, is not sufficient and appropriate for the evaluation of ḥadīth texts, which were transmitted by meaning, not word-by-word, and shaped by the transmitter’s dispositions. It is also difficult to say that Ibn al-Qāṣṣ sufficiently considered the physical, historical, social, and cultural context surrounding the text as well as other extra-textual elements, which complete the meaning. This situation implies that some of the wajhs recorded in the work are the author’s attempt to find a base and evidence for his ideas, which he already had, rather than deductions drawn from the ḥadīth. It makes the scientific quality and accuracy of his efforts controversial. The verdicts presented in the work, as wajh and fāʾida are predominantly jurisprudential and compatible with the opinions of the Shāfiʿī School of law, however, there are also controversial ones, and the author pointed to them without revealing his own tendency. It does not seem that these wajhs in the work are systematically ranked. In this vein, similar wajhs are sometimes in succession, sometimes scattered, and some wajhs are repetitive. The degree of accuracy, clarity and quality of some wajhs also seem arguable. Zayn al-Dīn al-ʿIrāqī (d. 806/1404), who made a general evaluation of these wajhs, said that: “Some of the (meanings of the) wajhs in the work are apparent, some of them are hidden and some are strained.” The work’s editor drew attention in the footnotes to the wajhs, which might be subject to objection. The early ḥadīth scholars, who reported this ḥadīth in their compilations, deduced six or seven judgments from the ḥadīth under the headings (bāb) specified for this ḥadīth. This appears quite modest in comparison to the treatise of Ibn al-Qāṣṣ. The given ḥadīth has also taken its place in the fiqh literature, and it has been questioned in the context of the issue of Madīna’s being of ḥarām region (holy land) and hunting ban in this region. In conclusion, Ibn al-Qāṣṣ’s treatise of Fawāʾid Ḥadīth Abī ʿUmayr, is a short but worthy example of the ḥadīth literature in terms of its purpose and interesting content. This work can be considered as a study that exemplifies how the purpose of writing can be determinative on the structure of a work, and in particular to what extent methodological tendencies and personal factors might affect the process of deriving verdicts from ḥadīth and could push the limits in that regard. The author’s universe of meaning, which focused on the apparent meaning and to draw as many judgments as possible from the text, should be related to his personal intention and purpose as well as to the fiqh perspective of his time. Due to the textual approach and the method for drawing inferences, which are observed in the work, the tool-purpose relationship between the text and the judgment sometimes remains obscure and sometimes becomes unimportant. In some respects, this work is a striking example of the consequences of ignoring the context and historical reality surrounding texts for specific purposes. (shrink)

In the Qurʾān, the night which encompass half of human life, is expressed by various concepts. From sunset to sunrise (night), various moments of the time frame are also named with different words and concepts. On the other hand, besides sleep and rest, some worship and actions that are asked to be done at night are also mentioned in the Qur’ānic verses. Also sleep at night and the night itself is mentioned as a proof of Allah and an important blessing (...) for us. When we say “night”, people first think of sleep and rest. However, as it is understood from the Qur’ānic verses, the night should not be seen only as a sleep time and rest time. Such that one of the first commandments to the Prophet Muḥammad was to wake up at night and perform various worship and deeds. Also, it is emphasized in the Qurʾān that night worship and actions influence and leave permanent impacts on human being. In this context, in this study, we tried to identify the concepts and expressions stated in the Qurʾān expressing the night-time or the time slices in it by taking into account the references in the Qur’ānic verses. Moreover, we have also examined worship and actions performed or recommended to do at night. Again, we have researched how the worship and actions performed in the calm and darkness of the night will contribute to human being. Thus, we tried to determine how the Qurʾān addresses the "night" which is the preparation time for the next day and the assessment time of the previous day.Summary: One lives half of his life during the day and the other half at night. However, he plans his daily tasks mostly according to daytime, and spends his nights mostly for sleep and rest. On the other hand, sparing the night completely for sleep and rest means that a long period of life passes passively by. That is why we have decided to do a night-time study that expresses an important time frame for human being. Although there are some ḥadīth about the importance of night worship in the sources, we tried to conduct our research within the framework of the Qur’ānic verses about the night. To determine the meaning and the importance attributed to the night by the Qurʾān, we have examined the Qur’ānic verses referring to night-time, night events and worship and actions that are desired to be done during these times. We concluded our research by making use of the main sources of tafsīr and relevant copyrighted works, articles, papers and encyclopedia articles.During the research we saw that the Qurʾān refers to the night and some time periods in it with different names. In this context, we see that concepts such as leyl (ليل), beyāt (بيات), fajr (فجر), seḥar (سحر), ğāsik (غاسق), ʿashiyy (عشيّ) and asīl (أصيل) are used in the āya. In many Qur’ānic verses, phrases reffering an entire day with specific composition such as day-night and morning-evening are used. In the composition of day and night, night is always mentioned first. In the compositions in the form of morning-evening, we see that sometimes the morning is mentioned first, and sometimes the evening. In addition to these, there are expressions such as before the sunrise, sunset, stay until evening that evokes night-time in the Qurʾān.Another point that draws attention in the research is that there are vows on the night or on certain times in the night in the Qurʾān. We can say that the vows in question are an indication of the importance that Allah gives to the night and some time in it. In fact, Allah points to the night, the functions of the night and its relationship with the day as a āyah (proof) of his existence, might and uniqueness.On the other hand, there are many good and bad historical events that happened during the night in the Qurʾān. First of all, it should be noted that the beginning of the waḥy (devine revalation), which is one of the biggest historical events, took place at night. The Qurʾān describes this night, which is mentioned as Laylat al-Qadr, as better than a thousand months. Again, it is mentioned in the Qurʾānic verses that Prophet Moses and Lūṭ left their countries by taking advantage of the darkness of the night with the believers to get rid of the evil of the oppressors. Also, deniers sometimes chose especially the night-time to carry out cheats and traps for the prophets and believers, and even attempts to assassinate. The fact that the night is dark, quiet and calm obsufucates such negative actions. For this reason, the Qurʾān recommended to take refuge in the Lord of the daybreak from the evil of the darkness.The research demonstrates that the Qurʾān asks people to perform various worships and actions in certain time periods of the night. In fact, even in the early days of waḥy, the Prophet was commanded to wake up at night and perform some worship and actions. In this context, he was asked to pray at night, read the Qurʾān by contemplating and understanding, and chant the name of his Lord. Actually, the Prophet is prepared for the heavy responsibility he took spiritually with such actions that he performed at night. Because a strong spirit and mind are necessary for facing up to what will happen during the next day. It is already stated in the Qurʾān that getting up at night has effective and permanent effects on people. Again, during the prophethood, The Prophet has advised to perform some actions such as sajdah (prostration), qiyām, tasbīḥ and tahajjud ṣalāt (night prayer) -as a special night prayer- during the night.In the Qurʾānic verses examined, some prayers and actions are asked to do at night and day regardless of time. Especially three of the farḍ of prayer (ṣalāt), namely evening, ʿišāʾ and fajr prayer (ṣalāt), are performed during the time defined as night. In addition, some aspects such as duʿāʾ (prayer), istighfār (ask for forgiveness), ṣadaqa and daʿwah (call) are mentioned in the Qurʾānic verses. It is an order or recommendation that all this be done at night as well as during the day. Especially for istighfār which means to ask for forgiveness, it is mentioned the time of dawning.As a result, we can say that there are some special features that make the night different from daytime. For instance, it prepares a suitable environment to sleep and rest for one who is tired mentally, spiritually and physically after the daytime; as the night has features such as darkness, silence and tranquility that man needs to rest and be calm. On the other hand, Allah does not want the night, which means half of human life, to be spent entirely with sleep and rest. As, one rests not only his body but also his mind and soul in the quiet and calm atmosphere of the night, Hereby, human-being starts the next day with a more vigorous mind, spirit and body. At night-time, while making an evaluation of the previous day's deeds and actions, people are also prepared spiritually and mentally for the next day's works.We can say that worship and deeds performed at night are more sincere than those performed during daytime, because man stays alone with his nafs and his Lord at night, away from the eyes. This can keep people away from riyā (pretension) and vanity that invalidates their deeds. Man's waking up and worshiping his Lord at a time when everyone is asleep shows his ikhlāṣ and sincerity. All these indicate that the time of responsibility for man is not limited to daytime. For this reason, people should think day and night together within the framework of his responsibilities and do their work accordingly. (shrink)

Kur’an, yirmi üç yıllık bir zaman diliminde, tevhid inancına sahip bireylerin oluşturduğu bir toplum inşa etmek üzere nazil olmuştur. Bu süreçte peyderpey gelen her bir vahyin, söz konusu hedefin gerçekleşmesinde önemli bir rolü olmuştur. Bu sebeple farklı zaman ve mekânlarda nazil olan, farklı konularda farklı kitleleri muhatap alan her bir vahiy pasajı ya da her bir sure bir diğeri ile birçok yündKur’ân, yirmi üç yıllık bir zaman diliminde, tevhid inancına sahip birey-lerin oluşturduğu bir toplum inşa etmek üzere nazil olmuştur. Bu (...) süreçte peyderpey gelen her bir vahyin, söz konusu hedefin gerçekleşme-sinde önemli bir rolü olmuştur. Bu sebeple farklı zaman ve mekânlarda nazil olan, farklı konularda farklı kitleleri muhatap alan her bir vahiy pasajı ya da her bir sûre bir diğeri ile birçok yönden bir anlam münâsebeti, bütünlüğü içerisindedir. Bu bağlamda gelişen Münâsebetü’l-Kur’ân ilminin verileri de bu durumun bir ispatı ve örneği olarak değerlendirilebilir. Araştırmada bu husus kısa sûreler üzerinden anlaşılmaya ve ortaya konulmaya çalışıldı. Sonuçta, Mushaf tertibinde farklı dönemlerde nazil olmalarına rağmen Asr sûresinden Nas sûresine kadarki sûrelerden her birinin öncesindeki ve sonrasındaki sûreyle tam bir anlam bütünlüğüne sahip olduğu görülmektedir. Bu durum, bir yandan Mushaf’ın tertibinin tevkifî olduğunun bir delili olarak görülebilir. Fakat sûrelerin tertibinin ictihadî olması halinde de böyle bir anlam bütünlüğünden bahsedebiliriz. Zira Kur’ân, bütünüyle tek bir kaynaktan ve tek bir hedefi gerçekleştirmek üzere gelmiştir. Sûreler arasındaki anlam münâsebeti ve muhteva birliği de, bu durumun bir ifadesi olarak zikredilebilir. en bir anlam münasebeti, bütünlüğü içerisindedir. Bu bağlamda gelişen Münasebetü’l-Kur’an ilminin verileri de bu durumun bir ispatı ve örneği olarak değerlendirilebilir. Bizler de araştırmamızda bu hususu kısa sureler üzerinden anlamaya ve ortaya koymaya çalıştık. Sonuçta, Mushaf tertibinde farklı dönemlerde nazil olmalarına rağmen Asr suresinden Nas suresine kadarki surelerden her birinin öncesindeki ve sonrasındaki sureyle tam bir anlam bütünlüğüne sahip olduğu görülmektedir. Bu durum, bir yandan Mushaf’ın tertibinin tevkifî olduğunun bir delili olarak görülebilir. Fakat surelerin tertibinin ictihadî olması halinde de böyle bir anlam bütünlüğünden bahsedebiliriz. Zira Kur’an bütünüyle tek bir kaynaktan ve tek bir hedefi gerçekleştirmek üzere gelmiştir. Sureler arasındaki anlam münasebeti ve muhteva birliği de, bu durumun bir ifadesi olarak zikredilebilir. (shrink)

Varlığın mahiyeti meselesi, insanın varlığa hangi açıdan muhatap olduğu ile doğrudan ilgilidir. Felsefe tarihinde ortaya çıkmış olan farklı ekoller arasındaki ayrımı oluşturan da, temelde bu mesele karşısındaki tutumlarıdır. Nicholas of Cusa düşüncesinde varlık, insanın salt epistemik yetileri ile vukufiyet kesp edebileceği bir alan değildir. Bundan dolayı Mutlak Varlık, olduğu haliyle kendi mükemmelliği içerisinde kavranamaz. Bunun için öncelikli olarak gerekli olan, aklın bütün olumlayıcı bilgi iddialarından vazgeçtiği bir tür zihinsel arınmadır. Bu, aslında bir bilinç durumudur ve bu düzeye erişen idrak, varlığı (...) kendi kaynağında temaşa eder. Zıtlığın uyumda, çoğulluğun ise birlikte herhangi bir çelişki olmaksızın göründüğü bu hâl içerisinde, Tanrı artık bir bilgi konusu olmanın ötesinde bir tecrübe konusudur. Cusa’ya göre, insanın iç tecrübesinden hareket eden mistik karakterli bir varlık görüşü ile ancak idrake dayalı yetkin bir bilinç sağlanabilir. Burada artık asıl olan bilme değil, asla bilemeyeceğini bilmedir. Cusa’ya göre, bu idraki seviyeye ulaşmanın yolu ruhsal bir eğitimin yanında Tanrısal lütuftur. The issue of the nature of existence is directly related to the way in which man deals with existence. What makes a difference between the schools in the history of philosophy is their attitudes towards this issue. In the thought of Nicholas of Cusa, existence is not something that a person can realize with purely epistemic abilities. Therefore, Absolute Being cannot be grasped in its own perfection as it is. What is primarily necessary for this is a kind of intellectual purification in which the reason renounces all affirmative claims of knowledge. This actually is a state of consciousness and the intellect that reaches this level contemplates existence at its source. In this state, where opposites appear in harmony and plurality in unity without any contradiction, God is no longer a subject of knowledge but a subject of experience. According to Cusa, only an intellectual comprehension can be achieved with a mystical view of being based on the inner experience of the human being in this way. The main thing is not knowing anymore but knowing that you can never know. According to Cusa, the way to reach this level of understanding is divine grace as well as spiritual education. (shrink)

Nicholas of Cusa, represents an important crossroads in 15th century philosophy. It can be said that the philosophy tradition to which Cusa was articulated had an effect on the differentiation of the conception of the world of science and philosophy under the domination of Scholastic thought in the Middle Ages. Cusa made a clear distinction between the finite and the infinite, with the theological understanding of being, which he put forward on the basis of Plato's philosophy. In his theology, which (...) he shaped by centered on the idea of the unity of God, he dealt with the God-universe relationship, which he developed in this unity perspective, with a dialectical approach, in the understanding of equality and non-equality. Since Cusa owes God and the continuation of his existence to God, he saw the world in one aspect, argued that they were unknowable in nature, and affirmed the ignorance in this field by making it dependent on a divine understanding. On the other hand, with the perspective that does not ignore the possibilities of humanist, skeptical and scientific knowledge, which he developed in accordance with the spirit of the period in which he lived, he almost made the news of modern science and philosophy with the mathematical method he thought would obtain the knowledge of the world. This study was carried out to examine the understanding of existence in the philosophy of Nicholas of Cusa within the framework of God-universe relationship. (shrink)

In this article, chronological information will be given about the takkas established in the church buildings in Istanbul. After the conquest of Istanbul in 1453 Mehmet II started to establish works of foundation in the city in order to reorganise the city and the statesmen were encouraged the creation of such charitable works. In order to provide the current needs in the city, some of the churches were converted into mosques, masjids, madrasah, lodges- takkas and public soup kitchens. Among these (...) structures, there were double-function buildings serving both as a mosque and as a takka. Many of these mosques and masjids were used as a religious ceremony place/tevhidhane, suffering place/çilehane and training place. There are mosque and takkas were build on the grounds of many ruin churches, which could not be restored due to various reasons. In Istanbul, there were eighteen churches which were used as tevhidhane where the chanting of the tariqah was made on certain days of the week, and takkas were built in their places. (shrink)

The main purpose of the article is to examine the experiences of students regarding the effect of theological education on their religiosity. The working group consisting of students continuing their education at Akdeniz University Theology Faculty was determined by using criterion sampling. The first criterion was determined as having studied the "Religious Education" course. The second criterion is that the participants were selected from the 3rd and 4th grade students, based on the assumption that they should have studied enough to (...) enable them to make an assessment about theology education. The total number of participants is 54, including 32 girls and 22 boys. The obtained data were analyzed with the descriptive analysis technique. As a result of the analysis of the data, the experiences of the participants regarding the effect of the theology education they studied on their religiosity were collected under three themes. These; those who think that theological education positively affects their religiosity, those who think that theological education negatively affects their religiosity, and those who think that theological education has no purpose related to religiosity. (shrink)

Mezar yapımı insanlık tarihi kadar eskidir. İlk insandan beri var olan bu yapı, her toplumun kendi gelenek ve inançları doğrultusunda farklı şekillerde tezahür etmiştir. Bu çalışma Türklerin tarih boyunca insana vermiş oldukları değerin bir göstergesi olarak mezar taşı kültürünün son dönem uygulamaları hakkında bilgi vermeyi amaçlamaktadır. Dolayısıyla 19. yüzyıl ve sonrası Osmanlılarda mezar taşlarının almış olduğu şekilsel değişimler ve hüsn-i hattın uygulama biçimleri örnekler üzerinden verilmiş, araştırmaya konu olan yüzyılı temsilen iki mezar taşı detaylı incelenmiştir. Çalışmanın problem durumu “Yazı mezar (...) taşlarında ne zaman kullanılmaya başlandı? İstifli yazılar mezar taşlarında neden kullanılmıştır? İstifli yazıların zirve uygulamaları hangi dönemde olmuştur?” şeklinde tespit edilmiştir. Çalışmamızda nitel araştırma yöntemlerinden kaynak tarama, örnekleme, karşılaştırma, kaynak göstermeye başvurulmuştur. Çalışma hat sanatının en güzel uygulama alanlarından biri olan mezar taşı kitabetindeki yerinin görülmesi ve tarihi seyrinin öğrenilmesi açısından önemli olduğu söylenebilir. (shrink)

This essay was completed in January 2016 and accepted for publication in a collection on occasionalism by Nazif Muhtaroglu. It attempts to update the doctrine of occasionalism to make it independent of theism and fit better with contemporary physics and a modern understanding of causation. We find that modern physics provides an avenue to support the essential core of occasionalism.

This article, in the example of the subject of shukr (gratitude), proposes a ‘perspective’ for the instructor who determines the processes of bringing a subject into the learning environment. This perspective is related to the encounter with the knowledge of the subject to be taught. It points to the approach of the instructor to the information he/she will refer to about the subject he/she will teach while preparing in the mental plan. The content of the subject, the objectives, the methods, (...) techniques, and resources to be used to present the subject, and how the output will be measured and evaluated are largely determined by this perspective. In a way, the proposed perspective involves monitoring the change and transformation of life and the contextualization of religious knowledge by paying attention to the methodological functioning. Thus, the way the subject of gratitude presented in the Qur’an and hadith narrations aims to provide the teacher with a ‘perspective’ on what kind of content to prepare. This is a suggestion for the instructor to reveal that while managing the process of religiously understanding/interpreting life as it flows by, the instructor should not ignore the ways in which knowledge appears in the Qur’an and hadith narrations. For example, the first meaning of the word shukr (gratitude) in the Qur’an is “faith in Allah.” However, traditionally, shukr (gratitude) is not taught within the subject area of faith. In this context, the article follows the suggestion that referring to the method and source of the knowledge to be taught can provide the instructor with a holistic and in-depth ‘perspective.’. (shrink)

This paper studies the context-dependence of the first-person indexical 'I,' while attempting to make the identifiability criteria for specificity and definiteness clearer for this important indexical. Having been influenced by John Perry's work on indexicals, we'll show that this (seemingly) clearest case of an indexical poses a difficulty.

Şems-i Sivâsî, Halvetiyye tarikatının ana şubelerinden biri olan Sivâsiyye kolunun müessisidir. On altıncı yüzyılın ilmî, siyâsî, kültürel ve dinî sahalarında derin izler bırakan Sivâsî, memleketi Zile’den Sivas’a hicret ettikten sonra ilk olarak İrşâdü’l-avâm adlı bir eser kaleme almış ve bu çalışmada nefsin ıslahı, mürşid-i kâmilin gerekliliği, mürşidlerin özellikleri ve nefsi ıslah konusundaki fonksiyonları gibi başlıklarla döneminde gözlemlediği ve zaman zaman istismar edildiğini düşündüğü mânevî yolculuğun kılavuzlarını konu edinmiştir. Eserin isminden de anlaşılacağı üzere Sivâsî, mânevî seyrin inceliklerini bilmedikleri için şekle aldanıp (...) süslü sözlere kanan ve layık olmadıkları halde şeyhlik makamını işgal edenleri kendilerine rehber edinenleri uyarmayı hedef olarak belirlemiştir. Sivâsî bu hedefine uygun olarak eserde sahte şeyhlerin itikâdî, amelî ve ahlâkî konulardaki sapmalarını âyetler, hadisler, naklettiği kıssalar ve kullandığı çeşitli metaforlarla gözler önüne sermiştir. O, tasavvufî sistemin istismar edilmesi noktasında şeyhlik/mürşid-i kâmillik konumunun son derece önemli olduğunu belirtmiş ve ilk dönemlerden itibaren bu konumun istismarına yönelik yapılan eleştiri ve uyarılara katkı sağlamıştır. Bu anlamda Hasan-ı Basrî, İmâm-ı Gazzâlî, Ahmed-i Yesevî, Mevlânâ, Necmeddîn-i Dâye ve Kâşânî’nin de ifade ettiği gibi, müteşeyyihlere dair uyarılarda bulunan bir geleneğin on altıncı asırdaki temsilcilerinden biri olmuştur. Günümüzde de çeşitli vesilelerle tartışma konusu haline gelen bu hususta Sivâsî’nin bir şeyh olarak yaptığı tespitler, uyarılar ve çözüm önerileri önem arz etmektedir. Bu makalede Sivâsî’nin müteşeyyih kimseler hakkındaki düşünceleri zikredilmekle birlikte kendinden önce bu konuda görüş bildiren isimlerle benzer ve farklı yönlerine de işaret edilmiştir. Çalışmada Sivâsî’nin sahte şeyhlere dair değerlendirmeleriyle tasavvufta bir iç tenkit geleneği olarak kabul edilebilecek bu usulün kendinden önceki ve sonraki isimler arasındaki konumuna da vurgu yapılmıştır. (shrink)