After years of the welfare state, the rise of technology, combined with neoliberal governmental apparatuses, has established a new society of the precarious. In this new way of the world, productivity is not just connected to labor in the traditional sense of work hours, but more totally, to the formation of the self: work becomes performative and affective, and personal identities seep more and more into working ones. This new mode of being has another side, however: it can lead to (...) new forms of self-organization, resistance and exodus. In it we see the emergence of a new and disobedient self-government of the precarious. (shrink)

The Occupy movements in 2011 – this essay focuses mainly on Spain and the United States – have been more than moments of grassroots or direct democracy: they have been collective political practices testing forms of non-representationist democracy in the Europe of representative democracy to an unusually great extent. The precarious subjects of post-Fordism rejected political representation, and at the same time they struggled for a ‘real’ democracy. This oxymoron between representation and democracy structures the political philosophy of Jacques Rancière (...) and corresponds with his well-known distinction between police and politics. This is one of the reasons why his thinking is helpful to understand them as decidedly political ones. However, the assembly as one of the central topoi of theories of democracy plays no prominent role in Rancière’s political philosophy. In contrast to this, I focus on the central practice of the assemblies in the Occupy movements and develop a concept of presentist democracy. (shrink)

Precarisation means more than insecure jobs, more than the lack of security given by waged employment. By way of insecurity and danger it embraces the whole of existence, the body, modes of subjectivation. It is threat and coercion, even while it opens up new possibilities of living and working. Precarisation means living with the unforeseeable, with contingency. In this article I analyse how the new precarious living and working conditions and the privatisation of protection against precariousness are conditions of both (...) a prospering financial capitalism and its concomitant debt economy. This economy is based on the expansion of productivity that involves less work, in the traditional sense, than subjectivation. A new subjectivity is needed to assume responsibility, to take on debt, and to internalise the risks both as guilt and as debt: a personality that is doubly indebted and responsible for oneself.La precarización significa más que empleos inseguros, más que la falta de seguridad que proporciona el empleo asalariado. A través de la inseguridad y el peligro, la precarización abarca toda la existencia, el cuerpo, los modos de subjetivación. Es una amenaza y una forma de coerción, aunque también abre nuevas posibilidades de vivir y trabajar. Precarización significa vivir con lo imprevisible, bajo la contingencia. En este artículo analizo cómo las nuevas condiciones de vida y de trabajo precarias y la privatización de la protección contra la precariedad son condiciones, tanto de un próspero capitalismo financiero, como de su concomitante economía de la deuda. Esta economía se basa en la expansión de la productividad, la cual implica más bien procesos de subjetivación que lo que hemos entendido por trabajo en el sentido tradicional. Se necesita una nueva subjetividad para asumir responsabilidades, para endeudarse e internalizar los riesgos como culpa y como deuda: una personalidad doblemente endeudada y responsable de sí misma. (shrink)

Lorey develops an original concept of a presentist democracy based on care and interrelatedness.