Issu d’une collection appartenant à un groupe de recherches sur l’écriture missionnaire (GRIEM), ce livre se fait l’écho de celui de Claude Langlois, paru en 1984 sous le titre Le catholicisme au féminin. Celui-ci prenait alors la mesure quantitative d’un aspect de la féminisation du catholicisme : la fondation de quatre cents nouvelles congrégations de religieuses des lendemains de la Révolution à 1880. Si le personnage de la « bonne sœur»s’impose dans la France du xixe siècle, celui du «...

Cet article se propose d’explorer différentes conceptions de la notion de porte-parole dans le travail de Bruno Latour, ainsi que les enjeux de communication et représentation qu’elles soulèvent du point de vue d’une approche rhétorique de la communication. En tant que maître de la traduction, diplomate ou partie prenante du cercle politique, le ou la porte-parole est essentiellement un médiateur par qui un collectif peut se former et agir publiquement. Nous proposons d’étayer notre discussion par un examen des expérimentations (...) et mutations récentes de la figure du porte-parole politique dans les mouvements sociaux horizontaux, tel que Occupy, et les organisations horizontales telle que la CLASSE.This article explores different conceptions of the notion of spokesperson in Bruno Latour’s work, as well as the issues of communication and representation these conceptions raise for a rhetorical approach to communication. As a master of translation, a diplomat, or a key component of a political circle, the spokesperson is essentially a mediator through whom a collective establishes itself and acts publicly. We further develop our discussion of these different conceptions by examining recent experiments and changes in the figure of the political spokesperson in horizontal social movements such as Occupy, and horizontal organizations such as CLASSE. (shrink)

Il y a un an, j’avais rendu compte d’un ouvrage dirigé par Chantal Paisant sur « la mission au féminin », rassemblant une anthologie de textes missionnaires écrits par des religieuses, dans un numéro de la revue Clio portant sur les colonisations. Ce livre offrait au public francophone des perspectives neuves sur les sources permettant d’envisager une autre histoire des congrégations féminines françaises au xixe siècle, complémentaire de celle entreprise magistralement par Claude Langlois sur...

Resenha do livro A unidade do corpo e da mente: afetos, ações e paixões em Espinosa, de Chantal Jaquet, publicado no Brasil em 2011 pela editora Autêntica.

In this book Bruno Latour brings together these different approaches to provide a lively and challenging analysis of science, demonstrating how social context..

A summation of the work of one of the most influential and provocative interpreters of science, it aims at saving what is good and valuable in modernity and ...

From the book: What is to be done with political ecology? Nothing. What is to be done? Political ecology!

From the theory of ‘deliberative democracy’ to the politics of the ‘third way’, the present Zeitgeist is characterized by attempts to deny what Chantal Mouffe contends is the inherently conflictual nature of democratic politics. Far from being signs of progress, such ideas constitute a serious threat to democratic institutions. Taking issue with John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas on one side, and the political tenets of Blair, Clinton and Schröder on the other, Mouffe brings to the fore the paradoxical nature (...) of modern liberal democracy in which the category of the ‘adversary’ plays a central role. She draws on the work of Wittgenstein, Derrida, and the provocative theses of Carl Schmitt, to propose a new understanding of democracy which acknowledges the ineradicability of antagonism in its workings. (shrink)

Chantal Mouffe is one of the most influential political theorists at work today. Her work has influenced political parties across Europe and continues to inform the direction of left politics. In this work, Mouffe argues that liberal democracy misunderstands the problems of ethnic, religious and nationalist conflicts because of its inadequate conception of politics.

We show that all QE rings of prime power characteristic are constructed in a straightforward way out of three components: a filtered Boolean power of a finite field, a nilpotent Jacobson radical, and the ring Z p n or the Witt ring W 2 (F 4 ) (which is the characteristic four analogue of the Galois field with four elements).

Although Wittgenstein is often held co-responsible for the so-called death of man as it was pronounced in the course of the previous century, no detailed description of his alternative to the traditional or Cartesian account of human being has so far been available. By consulting several parts of Wittgenstein's later oeuvre, Subjectivity after Wittgenstein aims to fill this gap. However, it also contributes to the debate about the Cartesian subject and its demise by discussing the criticism that the rethinking of (...) subjectivity received, for it has been argued that the anti-Cartesian turn in continental philosophy has lead to a loss of a centre for both ethics and politics. By further exploring the implications of the Wittgensteinian account of human being, this book makes it clear that a non-Cartesian view on the subject is not necessarily ethically and politically inert. Moreover, it argues that ethical and political arguments should not automatically take precedence in a debate about the nature of man. (shrink)

Since September 11, we frequently hear that the struggle is between good and evil and that politics is at an end. Should we welcome or fear a 'Third Way' beyond left and right? In this timely and thought provoking book, Chantal Mouffe argues that third way thinking ignores fundamental, conflictual aspects of human nature and that far from expanding democracy, globalization is undermining the combative and radical heart of democratic life. Going back first to Aristotle, she identifies the historical (...) origins of the political. She also reflects on the Enlightenment and the social contract, arguing that in spite of its good intentions, it fatally suppressed the radical core of political life. She uses many contemporary examples, including the Iraq war, racism and the rise of the far right, to argue that far from ending dangerous extremism, the political void created by the search for consensus inflames it. (shrink)

I argue against the interpretation of propositions as intentions and proof-objects as fulfillments proposed by Heyting and defended by Tieszen and van Atten. The idea is already a frequent target of criticisms regarding the incompatibility of Brouwer’s and Husserl’s positions, mainly by Rosado Haddock and Hill. I raise a stronger objection in this paper. My claim is that even if we grant that the incompatibility can be properly dealt with, as van Atten believes it can, two fundamental issues indicate that (...) the interpretation is unsustainable regardless: (1) it is hard to determine, without appealing to propositional intentions on pain of circularity, what intention a proof-object should be understood as a fulfillment of; (2) due to a difficult fulfillment dilemma, it is unclear, at best, what the object of an intention corresponding to a proposition is. (shrink)

Since September 11th, we frequently hear that political differences should be put aside: the real struggle is between good and evil. What does this mean for political and social life? Is there a 'Third Way' beyond left and right, and if so, should we fear or welcome it? This thought-provoking book by Chantal Mouffe, a globally recognized political author, presents a timely account of the current state of democracy, affording readers the most relevant and up-to-date information. Arguing that liberal (...) 'third way thinking' ignores fundamental, conflicting aspects of human nature, Mouffe states that, far from expanding democracy, globalization is undermining the combative and radical heart of democratic life. Going back first to Aristotle, she identifies the historical origins of the political and reflects on the Enlightenment, and the social contract, arguing that in spite of its good intentions, it levelled the radical core of political life. Contemporary examples, including the Iraq war, racism and the rise of the far right, are used to illustrate and support her theory that far from combating extremism, the quest for consensus politics undermines the ability to challenge it. These case studies are also highly effective points of reference for student revision. _On the Political _is a stimulating argument about the future of politics and addresses the most fundamental aspects of democracy that will aid further study. (shrink)

Throughout his career, Schelling assigns knowledge of the absolute first principle of philosophy to intellectual intuition. Schelling's doctrine of intellectual intuition raises two important questions for interpreters. First, given that his doctrine undergoes several changes before and after his identity philosophy, to what extent can he be said to “hold onto” the same “sense” of it by the 1830s, as he claims? Second, given that his doctrine of intellectual intuition restricts absolute idealism to what he calls a “science of reason”, (...) which he says cannot prove the absolute’s existence, what other doctrine does he require in order to prove this? I will answer these questions by tracing the shifts in Schelling’s doctrine of intellectual intuition from the 1790s to the 1830s and drawing out its evolving methodological role within his science of intelligibility. (shrink)

The aim of this paper is to provide an addendum to a paper by Rose with the same title which has appeared in an earlier issue of this Journal [2]. Our new result is: Theorem. A ring of characteristic zero which admits elimination of quantifiers in the language {0, 1, +, ·} is an algebraically closed field.

Social entrepreneurship is perceived as a legitimate and innovative solution to social problems. Yet, when one looks at the literature one finds that the social problems that the SE movement seeks to address and how these problems are identified and defined are not studied. This lack of attention to the defining of social problems in SE has implications for the domain for problems do not exist unless they are recognized and defined, and those that define problems have influence on how (...) these will eventually be addressed. Our paper presents an analysis of framing activities in SE done by the actors involved in the development and promotion of the SE movement. Our analysis reveals that these actors are concerned with creating an ecosystem to support social entrepreneurs. Critical analysis of discourses of these actors reveals a powerful mobilization discourse, one that supports social entrepreneurs as the agents of change. We also find that as the SE movement emerged at the beginning of a cycle of protest against capitalist systems, their framing of SE as system changing of these very systems therefore finds strong resonance with a wide variety of actors. (shrink)

This paper argues that we should solve paradoxes for propositions (such as the Russell–Myhill paradox) in essentially the same way that we solve Russellian paradoxes for sets. That is, the standard, iterative approach to sets is extended to include properties, and then the resulting hierarchy of sets and properties is used to construct propositions. Propositions on this account are structured in the sense of mirroring the sentences that express them, and they would seem to serve the needs of philosophers of (...) language and metaphysicians who rely on such propositions. The resulting account has limitations, comparable to those faced by the iterative approach to sets, but it is argued to be in important ways preferable to others that have been proposed. (shrink)

Revisiting the generally accepted notion of psycho-physical parallelism in Spinoza, Chantal Jaquet offers a new analysis of the relation between body and mind. Looking at a range of Spinoza's texts, and using an original methodology, she analyses their unity in action through affects, actions and passions.

De nombreux ouvrages - travaux historiques, mémoires, romans ou témoignages - évoquent la condition des Africaines en Afrique du Sud, qui représentent 70% de la population féminine et n'ont cessé de subir les manifestations de la discrimination et du sexisme. Le livre de Jacklyn Cock (1980) est une étude approfondie sur le statut social et économique des Africaines. Dès l'enfance la jeune fille est victime d'un préjudice qui détermine le reste de son existence. La famille puis l'école...

L'auteure montre d'abord que la responsabilité des magistrats ne peut être dissociée de leur indépendance et de leur protection. Elle expose ensuite les différentes mesures de renforcement de la déontologie mises en place par le Conseil supérieur de la magistrature et la Cour de cassation. Elle conclut en rappelant que la responsabilité du juge est intérieure et prend sa source dans un travail du juge sur lui-même.

A significant part of Wittgenstein's later writings deal with psychological phenomena. Again and again he tries to show that thoughts, feelings, etc., cannot be understoodas objects or processes in some private inner realm. According to Wittgenstein the souldoes not reside inside of us, but should rather be located in between of us. Thus offering a new way of portraying several dichotomies (such as those between the inner and the outer, the public and the private, and the self and the other), (...) Wittgenstein can be said to rethink our concept of the subject. Or should we rather say that he proposes to reduce the soul to the body, the personal to the communal — in other words, that he in fact tries to 'unthink' subjectivity? To answer this question, this article confronts Wittgenstein's 'psychology' with his 'theology'. For contrary to what he writes on the psyche, Wittgenstein stresses in his writings on religion the individual instead of the collective and the private instead of the public. By showing that Wittgenstein's theology is actually compatible with his psychology, it is argued that Wittgenstein cannot besaid to proclaim the 'death' of the subject. (shrink)

Although Wittgenstein is famously skeptical about the possibility of making substantial philosophical claims, he can be said to offer significant insights into the difference between inner and outer as well as the difference between self and other.1 He consistently reminds us that inner and outer are intimately connected instead of only causally related, as well as that the self—far from being a wholly independent entity—always already finds itself constituted by its relationships with others. In thus contesting the Cartesian view on (...) subjectivity, however, Wittgenstein may appear to simply reduce the inner to the outer and the self to the other.. (shrink)

Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale et la chute du mur de Berlin, nous avons cru à la victoire définitive de notre vision du monde, caractérisée par l'individualisme libéral, le cosmopolitisme et la démocratie des droits de l'homme. Mais depuis le tournant du siècle, plusieurs cultures mondiales s'opposent clairement et fermement aux principes occidentaux considérés jusque-là comme universels. La démocratie est décriée ou dégradée, et l'autocratie nommément défendue, en Chine et à Singapour, dans certains pays musulmans, en Russie. En outre, apparaissent (...) au sein même de l'Occident des gouvernements dits populistes ou illibéraux, opposés au libéralisme et à l'individualisme postmodernes. Ce débat conflictuel déployé tant sur le plan occidental que sur le plan mondial traduit un nouvel assaut de la vision du monde traditionnelle, holiste, face à la vision progressiste et individualiste. Des deux côtés fleurissent les excès. En Occident, l'humanisme classique transformé en humanitarisme. En face, des cultures parfois devenues des idéologisations de leurs traditions. C'est un énième épisode, mondialisé, de la discorde entre les modernes et les anti-modernes : ce qu'on a appelé au XXe siècle la guerre des dieux?"--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

La religion, qui a irrigué la culture occidentale pendant deux mille ans, perd son influence sur tous les plans. La chrétienté ne se retire pas seule, mais avec elle ses fruits sécularisés, qui constituaient une architecture signifiante. Quel est le destin de notre représentation du monde à forée de cet effacement? Certains désignent le relativisme, voire le nihilisme. qui s'instaurent dans l'oubli des référents fondateurs. Ce livre veut montrer que le nihilisme n'est qu'une brève transition, que le relativisme reflète une (...) apparence. L'époque présente atteste plutôt la réinstauration de modes d'être et de pensée comparables à ceux qui précédèrent l'Occident chrétien et à ceux qui se déploient partout hors l'Occident chrétien : des sagesses et des paganismes, déjà à l'ouvre sous la texture déchirée de nos anciennes convictions. transcendantes ou immanentes. Ces sagesses se nourrissent de renoncement, lequel forme aujourd'hui l'essentielle disposition de notre esprit. Renoncement à la quête de la vérité, renoncement au progrès, à la royauté de l'homme, à la liberté personnelle. Les conséquences en sont, par un lent processus, le remplacement du vrai par le bien, des dogmes par vies mythe, du temps fléché par un retour au temps circulaire, du monothéisme par le paganisme ou le panthéisme, de l'humanisme de liberté par un humanisme de protection, de la démocratie par le consensus, de la ferveur par le lâcher prise. C'est une métamorphose radicale, et ce renoncement est un retournement, non seulement de nos pensées, mais aussi de nos modes d'être et de nos institutions. Après une histoire de deux mille ans, sous de multiples signes réapparaît l'appel à une résignation sereine dont les hommes sans Dieu n'ont jamais cessé de rêver. (shrink)

L'ouvrage présenté ici a pour but de faire connaître la philosophie de Simone Weil, ainsi que les différentes facettes de son personnage, si lié à l'oeuvre elle-même. Les différents contributeurs auxquels nous avons fait appel sont tous des spécialistes de la philosophe, de plusieurs nationalités, et les plus éminents y figurent. Les responsables des Cahiers Simone Weil y sont naturellement bien représentés. Les aspects divers de la pensée de Simone Weil ont été ordonnés de façon à commencer par le coeur (...) – la philosophie – pour aller ensuite à la morale puis à la politique et à l'histoire, et enfin à l'approfondissement religieux et mystique. Les derniers chapitres insistent sur quelques perspectives plus particulières. Nous espérons ainsi offrir au lecteur un aperçu à la fois riche et pluriel de celle qui fut l'une des grandes philosophes du XXe siècle français. (shrink)

Nous sommes des êtres de chair, mais cette évidence s'obscurcit dès qu'il est question de déterminer l'étendue des aptitudes du corps et la nature de ses rapports avec l'esprit. Que peut au juste le corps? Telle est l'interrogation qui sous-tend depuis longtemps la réflexion philosophique et qui rend nécessaire aujourd'hui encore l'élaboration d'un " Connais-toi toi-même " corporel. Il importe alors d'examiner le corps à l'œuvre et d'explorer les diverses facettes de la corporéité pour en montrer la prodigieuse puissance. A (...) cet effet, il convient d'abord de cerner l'essence et la sphère d'extension de ce concept en épousant le mouvement qui, de l'inerte au vivant, des corps bruts au corps humain, préside à la constitution des multiples formes corporelles. Il s'agit ensuite de mesurer la puissance du corps à l'aune de ses capacités pratiques : puissance technique du corps en travail et au travail, puissance artistique et éthique du corps promoteur de valeurs, puissance sexuelle enfin qui nous enseigne de manière problématique aussi bien la différence entre nous et nous-mêmes - tant nous ne sommes pas ce que nous croyons être - que la différence entre le masculin et le féminin. Cet ouvrage est tout autant une méditation et une synthèse philosophiques qu'un hymne à la joie du corps. (shrink)

One of the main reasons that liberal democratic societies are not ill-prepared to confront the present challenge presented by disaffection with democratic institutions, is that the type of political theory currently in vogue is dominated by an individualistic, universalistic, and rationalistic framework. This erases the dimension of the political and impedes envisaging in an adequate manner the nature of a pluralistic democratic public sphere. This paper examines the most recent paradigm of liberal democracy: 'deliberative democracy', in order to bring to (...) the fore its shortcomings. Then, the authos puts forward some element for the elaboration of an alternative model that she proposes to call 'agonistic pluralism'. (shrink)

While Cavell is well known for his reinterpretation of the later Wittgenstein, he has never really engaged himself with post-Investigations writings like On Certainty. This collection may, however, seem to undermine the profoundly anti-dogmatic reading of Wittgenstein that Cavell has developed. In addition to apparently arguing against what Cavell calls ‘the truth of skepticism’ – a phrase contested by other Wittgensteinians – On Certainty may seem to justify the rejection of whoever dares to question one’s basic presuppositions. According to On (...) Certainty, or so it seems, the only right response to someone with different certainties is a reproach like ‘Fool!’ or ‘Heretic!’. This article aims to show that On Certainty need not be taken to prove Cavell wrong. It explains that Wittgenstein, in line with the first two parts of The Claim of Reason, does not reject scepticism out of hand but rather questions the sceptic’s self-understanding. Using arguments from Part Three of The Claim, the article moreover argues that a confrontation with divergence calls for self-examination rather than self-righteousness. Precisely because Wittgenstein acknowledges ‘the groundlessness of our believing’ or, in Cavellian terms, ‘the truth of skepticism’, he is not the authoritarian thinker that some have taken him to be. (shrink)

É possível constatar, mesmo em uma leitura superficial, que Kant tem o propósito de empreender em seu opúsculo de 1795, À Paz Perpétua, uma defesa dos princípios normativos do direito em todas as esferas da vida pública. Isso se evidencia na tentativa de desenvolver uma teoria da paz erigida sobre uma teoria tríplice do direito público, dividida nos âmbitos do direito estatal, das gentes e cosmopolita. Mas, se a questão é, por um lado, adequar os princípios puros da doutrina do (...) direito à teoria da paz, por outro, o problema com o qual Kant tem de lidar é essencialmente histórico. Não se trata apenas de justificar, em um contexto abrangente, a normatividade dos princípios do direito, mas também de demonstrar a sua aplicabilidade. Por conseguinte, em seu empreendimento, Kant encontra-se diante do desafio de demonstrar a inconsistência da “expressão corrente”, com a qual teve que lidar antes, que diz que “isto pode ser correto na teoria, mas nada vale na prática”. Tal preocupação pode ser observada direta e indiretamente, em várias passagens, no decorrer do texto, explicitando-se ,sobretudo, na discussão apresentada no Suplemento Primeiro no qual a questão suscitada pelo problema da teoria e prática, acerca das condições de possibilidade de realização do ideal da paz, é discutida no contexto de sua filosofia da história e também no Apêndice I, no qual, através de uma reflexão sobre o consenso entre moral e política, o que se põe em questão é a possibilidade da concordância entre teoria e prática no contexto da filosofia e da prática política. Ocupar-me-ei nesse texto apenas em tratar da questão sob esse segundo aspecto, tentando destacar que a estratégia kantiana para superar o problema da teoria e prática, no âmbito da filosofia política, depende do desenvolvimento de uma “renovada” doutrina da prudência. Como observa Castillo1, “[p]ara provar que a teoria jurídica da paz se aplica na teoria e na prática ao mesmo tempo”, Kant “deve fazer um exame crítico do conceito de prudência do Estado”2 . Esta análise deve nos permitir concluir, em primeiro lugar, que, bem diferente da visão antes difundida de que a filosofia política de Kant é expressão de um moralismo “que é certamente sincero, mas basicamente ingênuo”3, o objetivo de Kant, na verdade, nunca foi o de se afastar da realidade concreta da política em nome de um ideal abstrato de virtude política. Sua preocupação foi, em vez disso, a de ajustar os co. (shrink)

De nombreux ouvrages - travaux historiques, mémoires, romans ou témoignages - évoquent la condition des Africaines en Afrique du Sud, qui représentent 70% de la population féminine et n'ont cessé de subir les manifestations de la discrimination et du sexisme. Le livre de Jacklyn Cock (1980) est une étude approfondie sur le statut social et économique des Africaines. Dès l'enfance la jeune fille est victime d'un préjudice qui détermine le reste de son existence. La famille puis l'école...